Poster group
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poster
Summary: The present study continues recent research on pre-school playgroups and foccues on the perspectives of the mothers. In winter 1996 we investigated 129 mothers using an improved questionnaire as developed by Kšcher in addition to an adapted short version of the Family-Diagnostic System (Schneewind et al., 1985). By use of a cluster analysis mothers could be grouped as to their educational styles: (1) conventional, (2) rigid, (3) permissive, (4) ambitious, (5) dominant, and (6) over-protective. Mothers of these groups also differ as to their expectations and experiences with pre-school playgroups. Results of our study can contribute to an improvement of running playgroups with respect of tasks in family development.
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This study examines the comparability of the factor structure of a measureof parental discipline for parents of younger (2 and 3-year old) and older(4- and 5-year old) children. Researchers are interested in understandingthe changes in parenting practices that occur as children mature and parentsadjust to an older more capable child. Different mean-levels on measures ofparenting practices indicates differing practices. However, unlessinstrument comparability has been established, what appear to be groupdifferences could also be a result of assessment tools that do not capturethe same construct across groups. Before inferences can be drawn acrossgroups, researchers need to provide evidence of invariance or comparabilityof the instrument (Hughes, Seidman, & Williams, 1993). Differences inpractices can also be indicated by the recalibration of items on a likertscale of measurement that would result in non-comparable instruments.Participants in this study were 1,168 caregivers (94% biological parents)and children in the Starting Early, Starting Smart (SESS) project in 11sites in the United States. SESS is an early intervention initiativedesigned to evaluate the impact of improving access to integrated behavioralhealth services (including substance abuse treatment, substance abuseprevention, and mental health services) for young children and theirfamilies. SESS participants included in this study had children between theages of 2-years and 5-years, 11-months and completed the PDM as part of anintake assessment.The Parental Discipline Methods (PDM) is a 27-item questionnaire thatassesses parental responses to child behavior in three situations. Theparent rates each item using a 5-point scale (never to always), based on thepast week. The first situation relates to parental responses to childnoncompliance to a parental request. The second situation relates toparental responses to aversive child behavior, such whining and tantrums.In each of these two negative child behavior situations, the parent rateshow often they used 11 different methods (e.g. ignoring, threatening,scolding, time out, restriction of privileges, spanking, and distraction).In the third situation, the parent rates the frequency of each of fivedifferent responses to positive child behavior, including praise, positivephysical touch, tangible reward, privileges, and points on a chart leadingto a tangible reward. The PDM was modified from the Discipline Style andTechniques measure (Webster-Stranton, 1998) and the DisciplineMethods/Knowledge Questionnaire (Lemanek et al., 1986). Questions were readin English, Spanish or Chinese to caregivers and responses recorded byresearch assistants.Multiple-group mean and covariance structures analysis (MACS) will be usedto examine the comparability of the PDM across parents of younger and olderchildren. MACS, an extension of confirmatory factor analysis and structuralequation modeling, utilizes both mean-level and variance-covarianceinformation. The theoretical model to be tested includes three latentvariables (Harsh, Positive Parenting, and Appropriate Discipline).Preliminary results suggest the measure may measure more than these threefactors. Final analyses will investigate the equality of factor loadings,impact of context, and mean levels of latent constructs.
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This study examines the factor structure of observed maternal behaviorin multiple settings and activities across two racial groups in theUnited States. This study focuses on the quality of social andemotional interactions between mothers and their children. Socialscientists are showing a growing awareness of the need to examinecross-cultural (including racial and ethnic) generalizability of familyprocesses and interactions (Harkness and Super, 1995). In particular,developmentally oriented researchers are interested in investigatingthe universal aspects of the relation between developmental outcomesand specific parenting practices. In order to conduct this work,quantitative investigation must rely on the use of instruments known tobe comparable across populations. However, there is a serious gap inthe understanding of the equivalence of parenting measures amongsubgroups (McGuire & Earls, 1993).African-American (N 124) and Anglo-American (N 1,127) mothers wereobserved in their homes and in laboratory settings as part of theNational Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) Studyof Early Child Care. Families with full-term healthy newborns wereenrolled from designated hospitals at 10 locales throughout the US in alongitudinal study to determine the effects of childcare on children'sdevelopment. Maternal education levels ranged from less than a highschool diploma to post-graduate work. Most families had a male partnerliving in the home.When children were 36 months of age, mothers were interviewed andobserved in naturalistic interactions with the target child. The HomeObservational for Measurement of the Environment (HOME),semi-structured interview was scored during this home visit. Observational items from two subscales of the HOME (Responsivity andAcceptance) were used in this study and were coded with Yes (1) or No(0) codes to indicate the behavior was observed. In the laboratorysetting, families were observed and video taped (with permission)though a two-way mirror during two activities. Five maternal behaviors(Sensitivity/Guidance, Over Control, Under Control, Positive Affect,Negative Affect) were coded on a 5-point scale based on a cleanupactivity involving mother and child. Mother and child were video tapedin a semi-structured 15-minute play interaction. Three maternalbehaviors were used in this study (Supportive Presence, Respect forChild's Autonomy, Hostility) and were code using a 7-point scale. Multiple-group mean and covariance structures analysis (MACS) will beused to examine the comparability of the assessments of maternalbehavior across racial groups. MACS, an extension of confirmatoryfactor analysis and structural equation modeling, utilizes bothmean-level and variance-covariance information. The theoretical modelto be tested includes four latent variables (Responsivity, Acceptance,Support/Sensitivity, and Intrusion/Negative Regard). Error correlationamong the first and second set of variables represents the methodeffect of context. Preliminary results suggests the model hasacceptable fit in both groups (NNFI .91 and .87 for Anglo- andAfrican-Americans respectively). Final analyses will investigate theequality of factor loadings, impact of context, and mean levels oflatent constructs.
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Although numerous studies to date have examined mother-child interactions,few studies have addressed the issue of context on mother or infantbehavior. Interactions may vary depending on the demands of a task and/orthe amount of social support available to the mother-child pair. This studyinvestigated the stability of maternal autonomy-supportive behaviors acrosstwo social contexts (free-play and caretaking) and across two familystructures (intact and single-mother). Twenty toddlers from intact familiesand ten toddlers from single-mother families were included. These toddlerswere between 17 and 19 months of age. They were observed with their mothersin a free-play and a caregiving activity in their own homes. The caregivingactivity involved either feeding or bathing. Visits were scheduled at a timejudged optimal for toddlers, that is, during a time when they would be awakeand alert. Mother-Child Play Interaction--Mothers and toddlers were asked to sit onthe floor for a 10-minute session with a set of toys selected to offermanipulative, problem-solving, and pretend play opportunities. Theseincluded a doll, toy telephone, wooden blocks, play dishes, toy comb andbrush, baby bottle, school bus with people, a washcloth, and a sponge.Mothers were told that we were interested in how toddlers play andinstructed to play as they typically would when their child is engaged withtoys. Mother-Child Caretaking Interaction--During the visit, mothers were askedto give toddlers a meal or a bath. They were asked to go about the routinein their typical manner. The interactions were videotaped for later coding. Coding of maternal, child, and dyadic behaviors was based on 7 mother, 4child, and 3 dyadic variables adapted from the Mother-Child InteractionScale of Meadow-Orlans and Steinberg (1993). All variables were coded on a5-pt Likert scale, with 5 representing the highest and 1 representing thelowest score for each variable. Maternal variables included:autonomy-oriented behavior, affect, flexibility, sensitivity, consistency,creativity, and active participation. Child variables included affect,compliance, participation, and use of touch. Dyadic variables includedmutual enjoyment, communication, and reciprocity. Coding of the mother-childinteractions have been completed for all of the intact families. Data fromthe single-parent families are still being collected and coded. Correlational analyses revealed stability across social contexts for codedmaternal, child and dyadic behaviors, although mothers exhibited a strongertendency to be autonomy-supportive while caregiving than while involved inplay with their toddlers. Mean scores in maternal flexibility showed thegreatest difference across social contexts for these intact familymother-child pairs. We anticipate greater differences in maternal, child,and dyadic variables across the social contexts for the mother-child pairsfrom single-mother families.
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Examined the nature of the stimulation provided spontaneously by mothers to their children in persistent vegetative state following traumatic brain injury. This study provides microanalytic descriptions of the behaviors used by mothers during brief, videotaped interactions with their children in persistent vegetative state.An observational study with 8 mothers and their children (aged 7-12 yrs) confirmed the assumption that these mothers use patterns of intuitive parental behavior to preverbal infant (e.g. optimal face-to-face position, simple structure of stimuli, large number of repetitions of trials, adequate rewards, sensitivity to feedback signals etc.)Intuitive parenting helps mutual communication with the infant; it is seen as facilitating the infant's communicative development, and it supports the infant's early integrative competence and adaptation to the social world. This study suggests that the concept of intuitive parenting has the potential to contribute to an understanding of early adaptive processes in children in persistent vegetative state as well.* Supported by IGA MZ Grant No. NF/4584-3.
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Attributional research suggests that parents who believe they have littlecontrol over caregiving outcomes tend to regard themselves as 'powerdisadvantaged' (Bugental et al., 1984; 1989; 1990), which may activateefforts to restore balance through control of their children's behavior inambiguous or challenging caregiving situations. While previousinvestigators have demonstrated this relationship with older children andwith mothers at risk for abuse, this study extends their research byfocusing on the attributions and behaviors of non-risk mothers and fathersof one year old infants. Parent-infant interactions were assessed andrelated to infant and parent characteristics, especially parents'perception of control over caregiving outcomes. It was hypothesized thatparents with low perceived control [LPC] would exhibit more controllingbehavior, especially when they considered their infant's temperament'difficult'.Sample. The 66 couples in this study were drawn from a larger study of infantdaycare that is examining home, daycare and health factors that affectchildren's development. Families were recruited from 11 daycare sites in asemi-rural area of Pennsylvania in the United States, and all participatingchildren entered daycare before the first year of life. Results arereported from data gathered during family interviews when the targetchildren were approximately one year of age.Measures. Mothers and fathers completed the Parent Attribution Test (Bugental, 1989;1998), which measures beliefs about adult control (as compared with childcontrol) over caregiving outcomes, the Knowledge of Infant DevelopmentInventory (MacPhee, 1981), and the Concepts of Development Questionnaire[CODQ] (Sameroff & Feil, 1985). In addition, each parent rated the studychild on temperament dimensions by completing the Infant BehaviorQuestionnaire [IBQ] (Rothbart, 1981). Finally, as part of a structuredhome interview, children and parents were videotaped during free play intheir home, with parent-child interactions coded for parental 'sensitivity'and 'attempts to control' child behavior during play.Results. A point biserial correlation indicated that low perceived control fathersand mothers had significantly more control attempts during free play thanfathers and mothers with high perceived control [fathers: t (65) -3.255,p < .01; mothers: t (65) -2.973, p <.01]. A 2x2 ANOVA revealed aninteraction between mothers' low perceived control and high childdifficulty [F(1,65) 9.72, p < .01]. Mothers, but not fathers, with LPCexhibited more categorical thinking on the CODQ [t (65) -2.279, p<.05).There were no differences in exhibited sensitivity during play between thelow and high perceived control groups for either fathers or mothers. Discussion. Findings with parents of infants in this study are consistent with thosefrom prior research with older children and high-risk mothers, indicatingthat power and control issues emerge early in the parent-childrelationship, and operate even in a low risk population of dual earnerfamilies. Although high perceived control mothers and low perceived controlmothers do not differ with regard to demographics or knowledge of childdevelopment, LPC mothers exhibit lesscomplexity of reasoning about parent-child relations, indicating that theymay hold 'naive' theories about the causes of behavioral outcomes.
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First-born infants from two-parent nuclear families not only forge distinctrelationships with their two parents within respective mother- andfather-child dyads, but also become partners in a three-person familyrelationship dynamic that Fivaz-Depeursinge and Corboz-Warner (1999) termãthe primary triangleä. The interpersonal relationship dynamics of thetriadic unit differ in important ways from the interpersonal relationshipdynamics of dyadic, parent-child relationships, involving not only commercebetween parents and children, but also coordination between the adultsengaged together as coparenting partners. The quality of coordinationbetween coparenting partners during family group interactions has received afair amount of attention over the past few years, because collaboration andcooperation during family interactions predict individual differences inchildrenâs adaptation outside the family. To date, virtually all observational studies of early coparenting dynamicshave involved three-person family systems. Matters are much more complex infamilies with more than one child. Second-borns, like first-borns, alsodevelop dyadic partnerships with each parent and join a triadic unit withthe two parents. However, though mother-father-infant triads exist forsecond-borns just as for first-borns, it is unlikely that second-borninfants spend nearly as much time together with the two parents as aseparate triad as do first-borns. Rather, the former group likely cultivatesits triadic relationship dynamic primarily within the context of the broaderfamily foursome. In this report, we examine coparenting dynamics in familieswith a second-born twelve-month-old infant, in both triadic and tetradiccontexts. We ask whether there are shifts in coparenting process as afunction of family context, and also compare the quality of coordinationwithin mother-father-second-born and mother-father-first-born triads. Theselatter analyses ask whether triadic family process is more poorlycoordinated in families of second-borns where the three family members havefewer opportunities to develop a distinctive relationship system apart fromthe older sibling. Eighty families with a 12-month-old (N40 first-borns and 40 second-bornswith a 2-4-year-old-brother or sister) were assessed during 15-minute familyplay sessions in a university laboratory. The second-born group was assessedtwice ö once in a tetradic context with the older sibling present and asecond time with the older sibling absent. Sessions were evaluated alongdimensions including antagonism between parents, active cooperation betweenparents, overall family warmth, and disparities in involvement by the twoadults with the child. Multivariate Analyses of Variance followed byUnivariate tests revealed only minimal differences in coparenting conductbetween families of first- and second-borns when the family was engaged as atriad, but marked difference within families of second-borns depending uponthe assessment context. Coparenting partners were not as actively engagedwhen parenting second-borns in tetrads as when parenting the same childrenin triads, with effects evident in both positive and negative coparentingrealms. We discuss implications of these finding for research on earlyfamily socialization.
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Several recent investigations have found co-parenting to be associatedwith young children's socioemotional development (e.g., Belsky, Woodworth,& Crnic, 1996; McHale & Rasmussen, 1998). Co-parenting is defined as thedegree to which partners support or undermine each other in parentingtheir children (Belsky, Crnic, & Gable, 1995). This study was designed toinvestigate the stability of co-parenting processes from 6 months to 3years.Forty-three families participated in both phases of this study. Whentheir children were 6 months of age, both parents and the target childwere videotaped for 5 minutes in their homes while engaged in free play.When their children were 3 years old, both parents and the target childwere videotaped in their homes while engaged in a 10 minute building taskinvolving the construction of a toy playground. Separate teams of codersused scales developed by Cowan & Cowan (1996) to code the overall natureof co-parenting incidents within the interactions at each phase of thestudy. The 5-pt. Likert scales used were: pleasure, displeasure, warmth,coldness, anger, interactiveness, cooperation, and competition.Preliminary analyses revealed several significant associations betweenco-parenting at 6 months and co-parenting at 3 years. Higher pleasure at6 months was associated with lower coldness at 3 years (r -.37, p <.01). Higher levels of displeasure at 6 months were associated withhigher levels of coldness (r .28, p < .05) and competition (r .42, p <.01) at 3 years. Also, higher levels of anger at 6 months were associatedwith higher levels of both displeasure (r .32, p < .05) and competition(r .41, p < .01) at 3 years. In addition, higher warmth at 6 months wasassociated with lower coldness at 3 years (r -.29, p < .05).Interestingly, there was a positive, moderate association betweeninteractiveness at 6 months and at 3 years (r .25, p < .05). Thus, itappears that co-parenting processes do reveal some stability over time,although this stability is expressed in complex ways. Results arediscussed in terms of how stable co-parenting processes develop and evolveover the crucial first 3 years of the child's life.
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This poster reviews and organizes research findings about the impact of parental behavior on child outcome according to the theoretical basis of the research. Its purpose is to add conceptual and theoretical clarity to parenting research. Socialization theory, attachment theory, temperament theory, behavior genetic theory, bio-ecological theory, and Vygotskian theory are reviewed as they relate to parenting research. Also included is a discussion of the mostly atheoretical intervention research. Developmental science lacks an accepted definition of good or optimal parenting. Such a definition should be in place to inform parenting research and interventions. The developmental science literature is more informative about what constitutes optimal child development. In reviewing research which relates specific parental behaviors with specific child outcomes, we were able to construct a basic definition of good parenting of young children.We propose that a good parent will possess the motivation to socialize his or her child to be successful, will view parenting as having an impact on child outcome, and will be able to form realistic expectations for child behavior. We also propose that a good parent will possess basic problem solving skills. With this as a base, the following behaviors have been shown in the developmental science literature to be related to good child outcome and therefore, as comprising good parental behavior: (1) the provision of a safe and healthy environment; (2) the provision of a non-restrictive, stimulating, interactive, and verbally rich environment; (3) the provision of responsive, appropriately reciprocal interactions which are positive in tone; (4) consistency in parental behavior; (5) the provision of discipline in a non-punitive but firm manner, with appropriate overall level of parental control (6) the provision of emotional warmth; (7) the practice of all of the above in a culturally appropriate manner.
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The purpose of this secondary data analysis was to examine: (1) the relationships among maternal emotional well-being (i.e., depression, locus of control, self-esteem, and overall satisfaction with life) and maternal dyadic parenting behaviors, (2) the relationships among indices of maternal emotional well-being and the dyadic behaviors of children, (3) the relationships among parenting, both self-reported and dyadic observer-rated behaviors, and dyadic behaviors of children, and (4) ethnicity as a moderator of the relationships among indices of emotional well-being and parenting behaviors. Of the 290 participants, 84 percent identified as black (non-Latina); the remaining 16 percent identified as white (non-Latina). The participants were part of the New Chance Intervention, a two-generational intervention model designed to improve the financial status, life circumstances, and prospects of young teenage mothers, age 16-22, who received Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), and were high school dropoutS, and their focal child, age 30-60 months. Mothers were administered Rotter's Locus of Control Scale , Rosenberg's Self-Esteem Scale, the Center for Epidemiological Studies' Depression Scale (CESD), a one-item measure of overall satisfaction with life, a shortened form of the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment Inventory (HOME-SF), which is a measure of the cognitive and emotional support available to the child in the home setting, three self-report scales created specifically for this intervention (i.e., a parenting stress scale, a maternal warmth/responsiveness scale, and a parenting restrictiveness scale). Parents and children were also observed during dyadic task-oriented interactions (e.g. using building blocks to make a model block; naming things that have wheels; matching by shape, color, and size; and using etch-a-sketch to navigate a maze). Mothers were rated on their general (e.g., caressing, spanking, screaming, praising, and physical restriction) and task-oriented (eg., hostility, intrusiveness, quality of instruction, and supportive presence) dyadic behaviors during the session. Children were also rated by the observer on their general (e.g., affect, self-consciousness, hostility towards mother, calmness, and boredom) and task-oriented (e.g., avoidance, compliance, enthusiasm, experience of session, attentiveness, and persistence) dyadic behaviors during the session. The set of emotional well-being variables was not significant predictors of either the mothers' behaviors nor the children's behaviors. The set of self-reported parenting measures and the set of observer-rated parenting measures predicted significantly predicted all child behaviors. The set of punitive parenting behaviors predicted a set of dyadic child behaviors. Contrary to predictions, children of the more punitive mothers were significantly less bored, more calm, less hostile, more attentive, with more pleasant affect. Ethnicity, based on racial categorizations into a group of African American (non-Latina) mothers and group of European American mothers, was only significantly correlated with self-esteem (r 3D .13, p<.02), such that African American mothers had higher self-esteem. Moreover, the interaction between self-esteem and ethnicity significantly increased the provision of cognitive and emotional stimulation to the child, such that African American mothers with high self-esteem provided significantly more cognitive and emotional support than the other mothers.